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Deregulation of electricity markets in the United States has resulted in supply disruptions and in higher prices for consumers. Properly understood, however, this phenomenon does not cast doubt on the economic principle that free-market competition is generally more efficient than state planning. Certain particularities of electricity as a commodity - including the impossibility of storing electricity, the inelasticity of demand for electricity, and the high barriers to entry for new producers - are peculiar obstacles to the creation of competitive electricity markets. In the above argument, the two portions in boldface play which of the following roles?

A

The first is a historical claim that the author rejects; the second is the theoretical basis for his rejection of that claim

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B

The first describes an apparent exception to a theory that the author accepts as true; the second is that theory

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C

The first is the basis for the author's critique of conventional economics; the second is his summary of conventional economic thought

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D

The first is a particular example of a broader trend; the second is that trend

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Solution

The correct option is B

The first describes an apparent exception to a theory that the author accepts as true; the second is that theory


This argument can be diagrammed as follows:
(P1) Deregulation of electricity markets...has resulted in supply disruptions and in higher prices for consumers.
(P2) Certain particularities of electricity as a commodity...are peculiar obstacles to the creation of competitive electricity markets.
(C) Properly understood...the phenomenon in (P1) does not cast doubt on the economic principle that free-market competition is generally more efficient than state planning.
The argument describes (in P1) what happened after electricity deregulation, explains (in P2) why this is an anomaly attributable to the particularities of electricity, and concludes that the phenomenon described in (P1) does not really challenge the general principle that free markets are more efficient than state planning.

Notice that the first boldface is simply (P1), and that the second boldface is the economic principle that, according to the conclusion, is not really challenged by (P1). In picking your answer choice, it is a good idea to focus first on how each answer choice characterizes the first boldface. Once you have eliminated the ones that incorrectly characterize the first boldface, you should choose among the remaining answer choices based on how they characterize the second boldface.
(A) The author presents the first boldface as a fact; he does not "reject" it. The second boldface is, therefore, not a theoretical justification for any such rejection.
(B) CORRECT. The first boldface is an apparent exception to the economic theory or principle stated in the second boldface. (The point of the argument is to show that this apparent exception does not invalidate the principle.)
(C) The author never offers a critique of "conventional economics"; if anything, he seems concerned to defend an economic principle. The second boldface is far too short and restricted to be a "summary of conventional economic thought.".
(D) The passage gives no indication that the problems with electricity deregulation are part of a "broader trend." Indeed the whole of sentence 3 is an explanation of why electricity is a special case. This answer choice fares even worse in its characterization of the second boldface, which is a principle, not a trend

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Q.

Read the passage to answer the question:
Most economists in the United States seem captivated by the spell of the free market. Consequently, nothing seems good or normal that does not accord with the requirements of the free market. A price that is determined by the seller or, for that matter, established by anyone other than the aggregate of consumers seems pernicious. Accordingly, it requires a major act of will to think of price-fixing (the determination of prices by the seller) as both “normal” and having a valuable economic function. In fact, price-fixing is normal in all industrialized societies because the industrial system itself provides, as an effortless consequence of its own development, the price-fixing that it requires. Modern industrial planning requires and rewards great size. Hence, a comparatively small number of large firms will be competing for the same group of consumers. That each large firm will act with consideration of its own needs and thus avoid selling its products for more than its competitors charge is commonly recognized by advocates of free-market economic theories. But each large firm will also act with full consideration of the needs that it has in common with the other large firms competing for the same customers. Each large firm will thus avoid significant price-cutting, because price-cutting would be prejudicial to the common interest in a stable demand for products. Most economists do not see price-fixing when it occurs because they expect it to be brought about by a number of explicit agreements among large firms; it is not.

Moreover, those economists who argue that allowing the free market to operate without interference is the most efficient method of establishing prices have not considered the economies of non-socialist countries other than the United states. These economies employ intentional price-fixing, usually in an overt fashion. Formal price-fixing by cartel and informal price-fixing by agreements covering the members of an industry are commonplace. Were there something peculiarly efficient about the free market and inefficient about price-fixing, the countries that have avoided the first and used the second would have suffered drastically in their economic development. There is no indication that they have.

Socialist industry also works within a framework of controlled prices. In the early 1970’s, the Soviet Union began to give firms and industries some of the flexibility in adjusting prices that a more informal evolution has accorded the capitalist system. Economists in the United States have hailed the change as a return to the free market. But Soviet firms are no more subject to prices established by a free market over which they exercise little influence than are capitalist firms; rather, Soviet firms have been given the power to fix prices.

The author’s attitude toward “Most economists in the United States” (first line) can best be described as:
Q. As the economic role of multinational, global corporations expands, the international economic environment will be shaped increasingly not by governments or international institutions, but by the interaction between governments and global corporations, especially in the United States, Europe, and Japan. A significant factor in this shifting world economy is the trend toward regional trading blocs of nations, which has a potentially large effect on the evolution of the world trading system. Two examples of this trend are the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and Europe 1992, the move by the European Community (EC) to dismantle impediments to the free flow of goods, services, capital, and labor among member states by the end of 1992. However, although numerous political and economic factors were operative in launching the move to integrate the EC’s markets, concern about protectionism within the EC does not appear to have been a major consideration. This is in sharp contrast to the FTA; the overwhelming reason for that bilateral initiative was fear of increasing United States protectionism. Nonetheless, although markedly different in origin and nature, both regional developments are highly significant in that they will foster integration in the two largest and richest markets of the world, as well as provoke questions about the future direction of the world trading system.
Q. According to the passage, one similarity between the FTA and Europe 1992 is that they both
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