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Question

The Sons of Liberty disguised themselves as Native Americans on the night of the Boston Tea Party for all these reasons EXCEPT:

A
They knew that Native Americans would never be accused or suffer any penalties for the destruction of the tea.
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B
They did not want to be prosecuted for the crime of destroying property that was not theirs.
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C
They wanted their friends and families to be able to say truthfully that they did not recognize them that night.
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D
They knew that dressing up in costumes would add to the excitement and enthusiasm of the undertaking.
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E
They hoped that Native Americans would be blamed for the storming of the Dartmouth.
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Solution

The correct option is E They hoped that Native Americans would be blamed for the storming of the Dartmouth.
All those who participated in throwing tea from English ships into the Boston Harbor disguised themselves as Indians in hopes that their identities would stay unknown. Many of the Sons of Liberty did not participate in the Boston Tea Party because they were so recognizable, even with a disguise.

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Q. At the end of the nineteenth century, a rising interest in Native American customs and an increasing desire to understand Native American culture prompted ethnologists to begin recording the life stories of Native American. Ethnologists had a distinct reason for wanting to hear the stories: they were after linguistic or anthropological data that would supplement their own field observations, and they believed that the personal stories, even of a single individual, could increase their understanding of the cultures that they had been observing from without. In addition, many ethnologists at the turn of the century believed that Native American manners and customs were rapidly disappearing, and that it was important to preserve for posterity as much information as could be adequately recorded before the cultures disappeared forever.
There were, however, arguments against this method as a way of acquiring accurate and complete information. Franz Boas, for example, described autobiographies as being “of limited value, and useful chiefly for the study of the perversion of truth by memory,” while Paul Radin contended that investigators rarely spent enough time with the tribes they were observing, and inevitably derived results too tinged by the investigator’s own emotional tone to be reliable.
Even more importantly, as these life stories moved from the traditional oral mode to recorded written form, much was inevitably lost. Editors often decided what elements were significant to the field research on a given tribe. Native Americans recognized that the essence of their lives could not be communicated in English and that events that they thought significant were often deemed unimportant by their interviewers. Indeed, the very act of telling their stories could force Native American narrators to distort their cultures, as taboos had to be broken to speak the names of dead relatives crucial to their family stories. Despite all of this, autobiography remains a useful tool for ethnological research: such personal reminiscences and impressions, incomplete as they may be, are likely to throw more light on the working of the mind and emotions than any amount of speculation from an ethnologist or ethnological theorist from another culture.
Q. Which of the following is most similar to the actions of nineteenth-century ethnologists in their editing of the life stories of Native Americans?
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